{"id":32186,"date":"2025-02-04T17:11:20","date_gmt":"2025-02-04T17:11:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/caseyfamilyv2.wpengine.com\/economic-supports-research\/"},"modified":"2026-07-17T17:49:39","modified_gmt":"2026-07-17T17:49:39","slug":"apoyos-economicos-para-la-investigacion","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.casey.org\/es\/economic-supports-research\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00bfC\u00f3mo benefician los apoyos econ\u00f3micos a las familias y las comunidades?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Summary<\/h3>\n

Research shows that providing families with economic support keeps them together, prevents abuse and helps children find permanent homes faster. Resources can include emergency supports, housing, food assistance, financial and employment help, early care and education, legal services and medical\/behavioral health care.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Access to the basic necessities of life is fundamental to the safety, well-being, and success of every family.1<\/sup><\/a> Tangible resources \u2014 such as housing, food, and health care \u2014strengthen families and communities by avoiding and de-escalating crises, reducing parental stress, and ensuring children have the material items they need to thrive. Research on the use and effects of providing economic supports \u2014 and how they can prevent families from coming to the attention of a child protection agency \u2014 continues to grow.\u00a0Studies show<\/a> that supporting families to access and receive adequate and effective economic supports can prevent family separation, decrease time to permanency for children who have been removed from their parents, decrease the risk of subsequent abuse or neglect, and enhance child and family well-being.2<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0This issue brief outlines key themes emerging from this research base, as well as ongoing areas for further study.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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There are so many barriers to even knowing about or getting the support you need. You have to prove yourself worthy, and it\u2019s a very dehumanizing experience. When families are told they can have this, but not that, it keeps them down. It keeps them in poverty and prevents them from having what they need to care for their children.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

— Dee Bonnick, Parent, National Family Engagement Consultant, Education Advocate, and Social Justice Practitioner, Connecticut<\/cite><\/figcaption>\n <\/div>\n\n <\/div>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n
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Child protection agencies are not positioned to eradicate poverty, but they can initiate and help drive community-based strategies, connections, and collaborations that offer economic supports to address families\u2019 basic needs<\/strong>, which is a key component to keep children and families safely together.\u00a0These include housing supports, food assistance, financial supports to pay for material resources like clothing and transportation, employment assistance, early care and education services, legal services, and medical and behavioral health care.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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The need<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

Nearly two-thirds (64.1%) of the children found to be victims of child maltreatment in federal fiscal year 2023 were victims of neglect alone.3<\/sup><\/a> Additionally, the latest federal analysis of adoption and foster care data show neglect as the primary reason associated with removal in 62% of cases<\/a>. Studies show that children from households with fewer resources are three times as likely to be substantiated for abuse and about seven times more likely to be substantiated for neglect than other children.4<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Concentrated poverty in communities also has been associated with increased rates of child abuse fatalities.5<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>6<\/sup><\/a> While a large proportion of the families involved with child welfare have a neglect allegation,7<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>8<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>9<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>10<\/sup><\/a> the child welfare system response often is not effective at distinguishing between intentional harm\u00a0(such as a refusal to provide food and water for one\u2019s child)\u00a0and harm resulting from a lack of access to adequate food, housing, and other material resources<\/strong>. The latter conditions are the consequences of structural and social factors beyond a family\u2019s control, such as poverty, systemic and structural adversities that exist within their neighborhood, racism, and additional forms of discrimination.<\/p>\n

As one of several outside social conditions that pose challenges to families,\u00a0poverty ought never be confused with neglect<\/strong><\/a>. Neglect is defined as the willful withholding of resources from a child.\u00a0Poverty alone does not constitute neglect and is not a rationale for child welfare involvement. Much has been written about the\u00a0conflation of poverty with neglect<\/a>, and about\u00a0caseworker and community member biases<\/a>\u00a0about families that are poor, which may impact levels of surveillance and likelihood of involvement with the child protection agency, including placement into foster care.<\/p>\n

A main focus in improving the safety and well-being of America\u2019s children should be on providing their families access to economic supports that address poverty-related challenges.\u00a0These supports will help families thrive and keep children safe, thereby eliminating unnecessary intrusion into their lives from the child welfare system.<\/p>\n

Attending to the underlying causes of neglect after it occurs is not an effective solution. Child welfare leaders must proactively identify, take advantage of, and forge opportunities to partner with communities and across government agencies to\u00a0leverage the availability and accessibility of economic supports that improve the health, safety, and well-being of children and families <\/strong>\u2014 thereby helping to prevent child maltreatment in their communities.<\/p>\n

Systemic and institutionalized racism, classism, and other pervasive and deep-rooted discriminatory policies have led to the inequitable distribution of resources and low-quality support services for children and families of color.11<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>12<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>13<\/sup><\/a> Child poverty rates<\/a> are much higher for Black children (30%) and Latino children (22%) when compared to the national average (16%) and white children (10%). Black and American Indian\/Alaska Native children continue to enter foster care at much higher rates than white children and experience negative outcomes as a result, including longer lengths of time spent in foster care, less placement stability, and lower rates of reunification.14<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>15<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>16<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Studies also show that immigrant families, particularly Latinos,\u00a0face numerous barriers to accessing economic supports<\/a> due to issues related to immigration status, language barriers, and a lack of culturally appropriate services and interventions. These issues are exacerbated when one or more of the caregivers is undocumented. For example, in a study of over 500 child welfare cases that involved Latino immigrants, only 17% of families referred for a service ultimately received the needed support, and undocumented parents were even less likely to receive assistance for economic supports given their legal status.17<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

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Parental stress itself is a barrier to family stability<\/h3>\n

It can be challenging for families to effectively engage in any parenting or treatment services when they are hungry, sick, stressed, or overwhelmed with worry about an uncertain future. Scarce economic resources can prevent children and their parents from having access to basic necessities. They may be forced to endure substandard accommodations and services (such as inadequate or unsafe housing or poor-quality child care), making it difficult to achieve emotional and psychological stability, and to develop positive interpersonal connections, healthy parenting techniques, and strong family and community networks. According to\u00a0Maslow\u2019s Hierarchy of Needs<\/a>, if basic needs are not met, the human body cannot function optimally, with all other needs becoming secondary.18<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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An effective response<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

The child welfare system was not designed to focus on \u2014 or be solely responsible for addressing \u2014 the profound issues associated with economic hardship. Helping families address basic needs, however, is an effective way to prevent child maltreatment and involvement with child welfare, and is in keeping with the\u00a0social determinants of health<\/a>\u00a0and the widespread understanding that children must be supported within the context of their families, and families within their communities and cultures.<\/p>\n

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Many child protection agencies currently provide financial assistance for basic needs, including rent and utility assistance, and vouchers for furniture and clothing. However, this financial support usually is considered to be emergency assistance, offered on a one-time basis, based on staff discretion and provided only to a limited number of families \u2014 and often only after they agree to open a case with the child protection agency, which results in additional surveillance. Given the substantial needs of most families that are low-income, short-term investments such as a one-time rental subsidy may be sufficient to temporarily stabilize families but will neither help achieve the economic stability needed to support their long-term well-being nor make up for the years of disinvestment that has occurred in many communities across the country.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Emergency supports from community partners<\/h3>\n

Place-based, community-specific support services \u2014 such as\u00a0family resource centers<\/a>\u00a0and crisis nurseries \u2014 provide and connect families to emergency supports, offer ongoing assistance to address basic needs, strengthen parenting skills, and build social connections.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Partnerships between child protection and other public agencies and private entities that offer economic supports are essential to prevent child maltreatment, particularly neglect, and should be seen as vital tools in communities for supporting child and family well-being. Some child protection agencies have found success providing economic supports as part of their\u00a0differential response<\/a> programs, noting that doing so results in fewer removals of children and subsequent reports of neglect.19<\/sup><\/a> Moreover, because the needs of individuals and families often are vast and spread beyond a single program or an organization\u2019s service boundaries, a\u00a0coordinated approach from multiple systems is required to address the full range of families\u2019 needs. Effective coordination may be even more critical in\u00a0rural communities<\/a>, where resources may be more limited.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Often families are given Band-Aids rather than support to address the root cause. A huge part of effectively providing economic supports is offering an opportunity to learn, to connect with resources that can help a family plan for the future.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

— Keith Lowhorne, Relative Caregiver and Chair, Grandparents as Parents, Alabama Foster and Adoptive Parent Association<\/cite><\/figcaption>\n <\/div>\n\n <\/div>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n
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Housing supports<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s January 2024\u00a0point-in-time estimate of homelessness<\/a> indicated that more than a quarter-million (259,473) people experiencing homelessness were in families with children \u2014 an increase of 39% from the January 2023 count and the largest number recorded since data collection began. Unstable and unsafe housing conditions have been found to increase children\u2019s exposure to violence, neglect, and social isolation, and lead to poor educational outcomes throughout life.20<\/sup><\/a> Homelessness also is associated with a lack of basic needs, experiences with trauma and violence, substance use disorder, mental health issues, and high levels of parental emotional stress.21<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Children without stable housing<\/a>\u00a0are more likely than their housed peers to have moderate, severe, and chronic health problems, and less access to medical and dental care. When children experience homelessness during their first five years of life, they are more likely to experience developmental delays and suffer from poor education and low well-being outcomes.\u00a0Families that experience homelessness also have higher rates of interaction with the child welfare system<\/strong>, including substantiations of maltreatment and out-of-home placements.22<\/sup><\/a> Several studies indicate that housing stress is associated with an increased likelihood of caregiver or child self-reported maltreatment, CPS reports, investigated and substantiated CPS reports, out-of-home placements, and maltreatment death.23<\/sup><\/a> Homelessness also may keep families engaged in the child welfare system for longer periods of time, as a lack of stable housing may prevent reunification.24<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

To combat homelessness and its consequences, a broad \u2014 albeit under-resourced and under-available \u2014\u00a0continuum of housing services<\/a>\u00a0exists for families experiencing homelessness, ranging from time-limited temporary housing programs like emergency shelters and transitional housing, to more permanent housing options like\u00a0Rapid Re-Housing<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0Section 8<\/a>. Although these services aim to shelter families and mitigate the adverse experiences associated with homelessness,\u00a0supportive housing programs<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0that include affordable housing combined with on-site wraparound services have been shown to be effective in the long term for families experiencing homelessness<\/strong>, including both transitional and permanent supportive housing.25<\/sup><\/a> Services such as employment assistance, mental health counseling, substance use disorder treatment, and connections to public assistance programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and Medicaid, have been found to be important supports for families when inadequate housing threatens an out-of-home placement or a delay in reunification for children already placed in foster care.\u00a0Housing affordability has also been found to be associated with reduced risk for psychological and physical maltreatment.26<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Food assistance<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

In 2023,\u00a07.2 million children<\/a> lived in households in which they, along with adults, were food insecure. Food insecurity increases parental stress, which can increase the likelihood of maltreatment and negatively impact children academically and socially.27<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>28<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/sup>The federal Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) provides cash benefits to households with low incomes for purchasing food, thereby enabling other household income to be spent on additional needs. Research has shown that SNAP benefits decrease family poverty<\/strong><\/a>, as well as poverty among children, and that participation in SNAP or the federal Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) is associated with a lower risk of reports of maltreatment<\/strong>.29<\/sup><\/a> Additionally, state policies that increase the number of families eligible to receive food assistance may contribute to reductions in CPS-investigated reports. These policies include elimination of the asset test for SNAP eligibility and\/or an increase in the income limit for SNAP eligibility.30<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Applying for SNAP can be a complicated, time-consuming, and lengthy process, and not all families that are food insecure qualify. Quickly identifying and connecting families to community resources, including food banks and food pantries, is also an essential support.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Financial supports<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

Unanticipated events and expenses can result in significant crises for families with limited access to financial resources. While public benefits like housing and food assistance can help support families, cash assistance also may be needed to address their day-to-day and immediate needs, such as car repairs or other transportation resources. Cash assistance also equips parents to respond promptly to needs as they arise \u2014 particularly when coupled with opportunities to engage in financial literacy education \u2014 instead of at a crisis point that requires public service intervention, which can be stigmatizing.<\/p>\n

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Tax credits<\/h3>\n

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The\u00a0National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine\u00a0identifies the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and the Child Tax Credit (CTC) as two financial supports that can reduce child poverty<\/a> and be used to help families with low incomes make ends meet. In 2021, the EITC and CTC together lifted 9.6 million Americans above the poverty line.31<\/sup><\/a><\/a> Both tax credits have also been proven to decrease the risk of child welfare involvement for families. A 2022 study found that the EITC and CTC were associated with lower state-level rates of child maltreatment reports. For each additional $1,000 in credits, state-level rates of reported child maltreatment declined by 5% in the weeks following the refund payments.32<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

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Another study found that foster care entry rates decreased by 7.4% annually in states with their own EITC, compared to those without one.33<\/sup><\/a> Research<\/a>\u00a0also has shown that compared to states without a state EITC, those with a\u00a0refundable<\/em> EITC (that is, recipients receive cash refunds when their tax liability is less than the amount of tax credit)\u00a0had 11% fewer children entering foster care (controlling for race\/ethnicity, child poverty, education, and unemployment), and that\u00a0if states without an EITC implemented a refundable EITC, they would experience an annual reduction in foster care entries of nearly 50 per 100,000 children. Increasing state EITC benefits can also make a difference. One study found that a 10 % increase in benefits led to fewer reports of neglect.34<\/sup><\/a> Additionally, CTC-advanced payments provided during the COVID-19 pandemic led to a reduction in child abuse and neglect-related emergency department visits in the days following receipt of the payments.35<\/sup><\/a> A diverse set of public and nonprofit agencies have deepened investments dedicated to informing parents about EITC and CTC credits and assisting them to apply.<\/p>\n

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Child support payments<\/h3>\n

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Child support is designed to ensure that children receive financial support from noncustodial parents to ensure their basic needs are covered. Research has shown that child support payments can help reduce child protection agency involvement with families. One study on the differences in the amount of child support received by Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) participants found a causal relationship between a modest increase in child support and a reduction in reports of child maltreatment. The experimental group, which received on average $100 more per year in child support than the control group, was 10% less likely to be formally investigated by child protective services.36<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

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Although helping families obtain child support can decrease maltreatment risk, child protection agencies need to carefully consider, analyze, and address how their child support referral polices might affect families. Traditionally, child protection agencies have partnered with child support agencies to locate noncustodial parents who could potentially serve as placement options. Some child protection agencies also work with child support agencies to locate noncustodial parents in order to establish child support orders or enforce them. Recent research indicates that requiring custodial parents to pay child support and\/or redirecting a parent\u2019s child support income to the child protection agency to offset the cost of foster care (which is common throughout the U.S.) can result in a substantial loss in resources for families. Estimates from Wisconsin suggest that a $100 increase in the monthly child support order to offset the cost of foster care is associated with a 6.6-month delay in family reunification or other permanency options for a child.37<\/sup><\/a> Taking child support from families already involved with the child welfare system can create financial hardship and significantly increase a child\u2019s length of stay in foster care.<\/p>\n

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Cash assistance benefits<\/h3>\n

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The TANF program offers flexibility to states and tribes to provide supports to income-eligible families with children, including temporary financial support, employment assistance, and sometimes child care. These services are critical economic supports for many families and have been associated with improved child outcomes. Research shows that states with policies restricting access to TANF are linked to increases in child maltreatment and foster care placements.<\/strong>38<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Guaranteed income<\/h3>\n

In 2019,\u00a0Stockton, Calif.<\/strong>, began testing a universal basic income project to better understand the economic floor needed to obtain basic necessities for families and test solutions for eradicating poverty and inequality in the U.S. As part of the\u00a0Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration<\/a>, 125 residents received $500 a month for 24 months without any restrictions.\u00a0An evaluation of the project<\/a>\u00a0indicated that recipients had less stress and anxiety, more family stability, stronger social networks, and fewer incidences of homelessness and skipped meals than their counterparts who did not receive the guaranteed income. The Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians has had a similar guaranteed income program since 1997, with similar positive results.\u00a0Additional communities<\/a>\u00a0also are exploring the benefits of a guaranteed income program.<\/p>\n

A study of the Alaska Permanent Fund Dividend, which provides payments to all residents, estimates that an additional $1,000 cash payment to families in the first few months of a child\u2019s life reduces the likelihood of referrals to CPS for neglect by 10%, and referrals for physical abuse by 30%. It also reduces the likelihood of a child death by age 5 by about 30%.39<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Despite serving many of the same families, TANF programs and child protection agencies historically have not worked in partnership with one another, which has led to conflicting program requirements, such as uncoordinated case plans that force parents to choose to be in compliance with one case plan over the other.\u00a0Partnerships between public welfare and child protection agencies<\/a>\u00a0can take many forms and have the potential to effectively support families with complex needs. In 2000, 13 counties in California started developing partnerships between their TANF and child protection agencies under the\u00a0Linkages<\/a> project to improve outcomes for children. The counties tested different mechanisms for strengthening coordination including ongoing cross-agency and family meetings, linked case planning that allowed requirements from one system to satisfy requirements from another, co-locating services, and coordinating case plans for dually served families.40<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0By 2006, California, along with four other jurisdictions, were able to expand this work through\u00a0Children\u2019s Bureau discretionary grants<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Employment assistance<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

Employment assistance is a critical support for individuals and families that experience economic disparities and hardships, as unemployment is associated with a host of negative factors including poverty and child welfare involvement. One-stop career centers are designed to increase the effectiveness of job-training services through co-location and seamless supports. They provide a full range of services to promote employment, including resume and cover letter support, education and training services, job search and placement assistance, career counseling, mock interviews, and resources for interview attire and transportation.\u00a0Evaluations of one-stop career centers<\/a>\u00a0indicate that the centers provide a multitude of meaningful services to job seekers, and some job development programs have been found to increase participants\u2019 earnings. Collaborative approaches can strengthen outcomes for participants by leveraging the resources of each involved agency and integrating case planning.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Early care and education services<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

Nearly half of confirmed cases of child maltreatmen<\/a>t in federal fiscal year 2023 were children age 5 or younger. Maltreatment at any age is harmful, but the consequences for young children are more significant, including an increased likelihood of severe injury and death.41<\/sup><\/a> Because 90% of a child\u2019s brain is formed before age 5, maltreatment to young children introduces trauma during critical periods of brain development, which can have long lasting effects.42<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0High-quality early care and education (ECE) programs<\/a>\u00a0are proven strategies to mitigate the risk of maltreatment and promote the well-being of young children, <\/strong>yet are underutilized for children who come to the attention of the child welfare system.43<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Many studies that examine the relationship between ECE and child maltreatment outcomes focus on Early Head Start and Head Start programs. A national randomized trial study found that, compared to a control group, children who attended Early Head Start were less likely to have an encounter with child welfare between the ages of 5 and 9, had fewer subsequent child welfare encounters from age 5 onward, and were less likely to have substantiated physical or sexual abuse.44<\/sup><\/a> A recent study also found that child welfare-involved children who received Head Start services were 93% less likely to be placed in foster care than children who did not receive any ECE services.45<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

There are many ways that Head Start programs may mitigate the risk of child maltreatment, including: providing respite care to caregivers; linking families to services for basic needs such as housing, food, and health care; helping parents increase their knowledge of appropriate developmental expectations and discipline; and supporting employment and educational opportunities for caregivers, which increases economic resources for the family and reduces family stress. Despite the potential benefits of participating in Head Start programs and the federal government\u2019s support of\u00a0ECE-child welfare partnerships<\/a>,\u00a0research shows that less than one-third of young children under child welfare supervision who are still in their parents\u2019 care are enrolled in any type of ECE program<\/strong>.46<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0Given that Early Head Start and Head Start programs provide comprehensive child development and support services to families that are low income, and\u00a0child welfare-involved families are eligible for no-cost Head Start services regardless of income, these programs are particularly well poised to support child and family well-being.<\/p>\n

Quality child care\u00a0is also an essential service to support families that are low income.\u00a0Over 65%<\/a>\u00a0of women with children 5 years old and under are in the labor force, yet a significant number of families do not have access to affordable, high-quality child care that is supportive of their work schedules. The\u00a0high cost of quality child care<\/a>\u00a0forces some parents out of the labor market or requires that they settle for lower quality care. While many families meet federal and state requirements for child care subsidies, including through TANF, limited child care funding means subsidies are not available to all eligible families. Nevertheless,\u00a0when child care subsidies are available, they are\u00a0<\/strong>associated with greater ECE participation<\/strong><\/a>,\u00a0which can be instrumental in preventing child abuse and neglect<\/strong>. A 2022 study found that states with more generous childcare subsidy income eligibility had lower child physical abuse and neglect referral rates among children from birth to age 5.47<\/sup><\/a> Another study found that children who remained in their parents\u2019 home were more likely to have received child care subsidies, compared to those placed in foster care.48<\/sup><\/a> Another study found that mothers in low-income households who received child care subsidies experienced significantly reduced stress related to parenting and were less likely to have been involved in an investigation for a report of neglect.49<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Make sure supports are designed with the family in mind. Sometimes policies unintentionally discriminate against families with low incomes and create unnecessary barriers or challenges. Standard day-care rates are an example of this, with large penalties for time spent in child care beyond nine hours. For parents relying on public transportation, it may be impossible to avoid these fees, and they can be detrimental to economic stability.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

— Gloria Torma, Resource Caregiver, Nevada<\/cite><\/figcaption>\n <\/div>\n\n <\/div>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n
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Legal services<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

Legal services also provide a pathway for families to address other basic needs. In general, quality legal assistance for families facing subpar housing, denial of public benefits, domestic violence, or other issues that may compromise their health and well-being is often out of reach due to exorbitant legal fees. Some jurisdictions, however, have developed\u00a0legal advocacy support for families<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0early access to counsel<\/a>\u00a0to prevent children from unnecessarily entering or remaining in foster care.<\/p>\n

Through medical-legal partnerships, lawyers provide families with a wide array of legal assistance, including: examining health care billing issues; enforcing workplace rights; providing housing and eviction assistance; establishing guardianships for children and resolving other custody issues; and providing assistance with issues related to immigration status. Medical-legal partnerships like\u00a0Project DULCE<\/a> in Boston have identified reducing child maltreatment as a top goal. A\u00a0randomized control trial\u00a0demonstrated that Project DULCE participants had significantly more success in obtaining economic supports including food, housing, and cash assistance with utilities, decreasing their risk of child welfare involvement.50<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Optimizing decision-making and problem-solving<\/h3>\n

Families involved with the child welfare system often face high-stress situations, particularly as they navigate the legal system. When parents arrive at dependency court feeling hungry or malnourished, their ability to effectively engage may be compromised.\u00a0Protein for All<\/a>\u00a0was established to ensure parents have access to nutritious foods to optimize their decision-making and problem-solving, and to decrease the symptoms of primary and secondary trauma.\u00a0Cradle to Crayons<\/a>\u00a0in Maricopa County, Ariz., implemented this program as part of an effort to create a culture of dignity and respect in dependency court.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Medical and behavioral health care<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

Research has consistently demonstrated that children and families in low-income households have a higher risk of multiple chronic medical health conditions and behavioral health challenges, when compared to the general public. For families with children who have significant health care needs, the cost of care may be a contributing factor to economic instability. Many families, children, and young people (up to age 26) currently and previously involved in the child welfare system are eligible for Medicaid services, which can greatly increase their ability to seek needed medical and behavioral health services. Research shows a reduction in the rate of children reported for neglect in states that opted to expand their Medicaid programs versus those that did not.51<\/sup><\/a> This evidence speaks to the importance of close\u00a0collaboration between the child welfare system and Medicaid<\/a>. Some states, such as New Jersey, have been able to support cross-agency collaboration between child welfare, Medicaid, and behavioral health through a\u00a0Children\u2019s System of Care<\/a>, which includes\u00a0Mobile Response and Stabilization Services<\/a>\u00a0for families experiencing a crisis. This collaboration addresses the needs of at-risk and system-involved families, supports reunification, and reduces the likelihood of re-entry into the child welfare system.<\/p>\n

Home visiting programs<\/a>\u00a0are one of the most studied interventions for addressing medical and behavioral health needs for families, as well as for preventing child abuse and neglect. Home visiting services often are used to reach higher-risk families to deliver a range of health, parenting, and prevention services in their homes. While\u00a0not all have been found\u00a0<\/a>to improve the health and well-being of children and families, long-studied home visiting programs like\u00a0Nurse-Family Partnership<\/a>\u00a0have been shown consistently to improve long-term outcomes for families, and may include economic supports like employment or educational assistance for mothers involved in the program.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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The bare minimum is no longer enough, and research shows that people of color make up a disproportionate percentage of the population that experiences poverty and other negative factors linked to low socioeconomic status. We can\u2019t just continue to debate about temporary fixes. We must provide ways to achieve long-term solutions.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

— Aliyah Zeien, Foster Care Alumnus, State Youth Ambassador, Louisiana<\/cite><\/figcaption>\n <\/div>\n\n <\/div>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n
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Looking ahead<\/h2>\n \n \n \n

Studies examining the potential reduction of child abuse and neglect when economic supports are provided to families are starting to emerge and contribute to our understanding of the effectiveness of these supports and associated programs and approaches. Research looking across programs and policies suggests that combinations of interventions may hold particular promise. For example, a recent simulation of the impact of just three of 10 proposals in the National Academy of Sciences\u2019 Roadmap to Reducing Child Poverty<\/a> \u2013 a child allowance plus expansions to the EITC, SNAP, and the federal minimum wage \u2013 would result in a 11% to 20% annual reduction in CPS investigations and a substantial reduction in racial disproportionality in CPS involvement.<\/p>\n

More\u00a0culturally inclusive\u00a0research<\/a> and evaluation is also needed. Additional studies \u2014 with data disaggregated by race and ethnicity \u2014 will be critical to expanding the knowledge base and in determining whether economic supports can be\u00a0elevated to an evidence-based intervention\u00a0to prevent child maltreatment and entry into foster care.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n \n \n \n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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Casey Family Programs consults with individuals and teams across the country to compile research, experiences, and insights about approaches that can safely reduce the need for foster care and ensure the well-being of children and families. We share this information broadly to help child welfare leaders and their partners tackle similar issues in their own communities. For questions about this resource, or if you have other child welfare information needs, please email kmresources@casey.org<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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1 This brief, originally published February 15, 2022, has been updated to reflect more recent research publications. The content of this brief was informed by consultation with members of the Knowledge Management Lived Experience Advisory Team in May 2021. This team includes youth, parents, kinship caregivers, and foster parents with lived experience of the child welfare system who serve as strategic partners with Family Voices United, a collaboration between FosterClub, Generations United, the Children\u2019s Trust Fund Alliance, and Casey Family Programs. Members who contributed to this brief include Dee Bonnick, Keith Lowhorne, Gloria Torma, and Aliyah Zeien.<\/p>\n

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2 Weiner, D., Anderson, C., & Thomas, K. (2021). System transformation to support child & family well-being: the central role of economic and concrete supports<\/a>.\u00a0Chapin Hall Policy Brief.<\/p>\n

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3 A total of 589,515 (duplicate) children were substantiated as victims of maltreatment in federal fiscal year 2023. 64.1% of those children experienced neglect alone, meaning neglect was the only maltreatment reason cited on the report. Data available from Child maltreatment 2023<\/a>.<\/p>\n

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4 Sedlak, A. J., Mettenburg, J., Basena, M., Petta, I., McPherson, K., Greene, A., & Li, S. (2010). Fourth national incidence study of child abuse and neglect (NIS 4): Report to Congress. US Department of Health and Human Services, Washington, DC.<\/p>\n

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5 Farrell, C., Fleegler, E., Monuteaux, M., Wilson, C., Christian, C., & Lee, L. (2017). Community poverty and child abuse fatalities in the United States. Pediatrics<\/em>, E20161616-1616v1.<\/p>\n

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6 Child Welfare Information Gateway. (2018). Child maltreatment 2016: Summary of key findings<\/a>.<\/p>\n

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7 Berger, L.M. (2004). Income, family structure, and child maltreatment risk. Children and Youth Services Review, 26<\/em>(8), 725-748.<\/p>\n

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8 Cameron, G., & Freymond, N. (2006). Understanding international comparisons of child protection, family service, and community caring systems of child and family welfare. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press.<\/p>\n

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9 Paxson, C., & Waldfogel, J. (2003). Welfare reforms, family resources, and child maltreatment. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 22<\/em>(1), 85-114.<\/p>\n

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10 Sedlak, A.J. (2010).<\/p>\n

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11 Harris, M.S., & Hackett, W. (2008). Decision points in child welfare: An action research model to address disproportionality. Children and Youth Services Review, 30<\/em>(2), 199-215.<\/p>\n

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12 Dettlaff, A. J., Rivaux, S.L., Baumann, D.J., Fluke, J.D., Rycraft, J.R., & James, J. (2011). Disentangling substantiation: The influence of race, income, and risk on the substantiation decision in child welfare. Children and Youth Services Review, 33<\/em>(9), 1630-1637.<\/p>\n

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13 Rodenborg, N.A. (2004). Services to African American children in poverty: Institutional discrimination in child welfare? Journal of Poverty, 8<\/em>(3), 109-130.<\/p>\n

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14 Rates derived by dividing the total number of children entering care by race\/ethnicity, by the total number of children in the general population by race\/ethnicity and multiplying by 1,000. All data available from The Annie E. Casey Foundation Kids Count Data Center<\/a>.<\/p>\n

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15 Boy, R. (2014). African American disproportionality and disparity in child welfare: Toward a comprehensive conceptual framework. Children and Youth Services Review, 37<\/em>, 15-27.<\/p>\n

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16 Dettlaff, A.J., Weber, K., Pendleton, M., Boyd, R., Bettencourt, B., and Burton, L. (2020). It is not a broken system, it is a system that needs to be broken: The upEND movement to abolish the child welfare system. Journal of Public Child Welfare, 14<\/em>(5), 500-517.<\/p>\n

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17 Finno-Velasquez, M. (2013). The relationship between parent immigration status and concrete support service use among Latinos in child welfare: Findings using the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-being (NSCAWII). Children and Youth Services Review, 35<\/em>(12), 2118-2127.<\/p>\n

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18 Maslow, A.H. (1943). A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review, 50<\/em>(4), 370\u2013396.<\/p>\n

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19 Loman, L.A., & Siegel, G.L. (2012). Effects of anti-poverty services under the differential response approach to child welfare. Children and Youth Services Review, 34<\/em>(9), 1659-1666.<\/p>\n

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20 Hong, S., & Piescher, K. (2012). The role of supportive housing in homeless children\u2019s well-being: An investigation of child welfare and educational outcomes. Children and Youth Services Review, 34<\/em>(8), 1140-1447.<\/p>\n

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21 Hong, S. (2012).<\/p>\n

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22 Hong, S. (2012).<\/p>\n

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23 Chandler, C.E., Austin, A.E., & Shanahan, M.E. (2022). Association of housing stress with child maltreatment: A systematic review.\u00a0 Trauma, Violence, & Abuse<\/em>, 23(2), 639-659.<\/p>\n

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24 Pergamit, M., Cunningham, M., & Hanson, D. (2017). The impact of family unification housing vouchers on child welfare outcomes. American Journal of Community Psychology, 60<\/em>, 103-113.<\/p>\n

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25 Hong, S. (2012).<\/p>\n

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26 Mar\u00e7al, K. E. (2022). Domains of housing insecurity: Associations with child maltreatment risk. Child Abuse & Neglect<\/em>, 131, 105696.<\/p>\n

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27 Yang, M. (2015). The effect of material hardship on child protective service involvement. Child Abuse & Neglect, 41<\/em>, 113-125.<\/p>\n

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28 Lee, B.J., & Mackey-Bilaver, L. (2007). Effects of WIC and food stamp program participation on child outcomes. Children and Youth Services Review, 29<\/em>(4), 501-517.<\/p>\n

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29 Lee, B.J. (2007).<\/p>\n

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30 Austin, A. E., Shanahan, M. E., Frank, M., Naumann, R. B., Reyes, H. L. M., Corbie, G., & Ammerman, A. S. (2023). Association of state expansion of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program eligibility with rates of Child Protective Services\u2013investigated reports. JAMA Pediatrics<\/em>, e225348.<\/p>\n

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31 Creamer, John, Emily A. Shrider, Kalee Burns, and Frances Chen. 2022. Poverty in the United States: 2021<\/a>. Washington, DC: Census Bureau.<\/p>\n

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32 Kovski, N. L., Hill, H. D., Mooney, S. J., Rivara, F. P., & Rowhani-Rahbar, A. (2022). Short-term effects of tax credits on rates of child maltreatment reports in the United States. Pediatrics<\/em>, 150(1), e2021054939.<\/p>\n

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33 Biehl, A., & Hill, M. (2018). Foster care and the earned income tax credit. Review of Economics of the Household, 16<\/em>(3), 661-680.<\/p>\n

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34 Kovski, N. L., Hill, H. D., Mooney, S. J., Rivara, F. P., Morgan, E. R., & Rowhani-Rahbar, A. (2022). Association of state-level earned income tax credits with rates of reported child maltreatment, 2004\u20132017. Child Maltreatment<\/em>, 27(3), 325-333.<\/p>\n

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35 Bullinger, L. R., & Boy, A. (2023). Association of expanded Child Tax Credit payments with child abuse and neglect emergency department visits. JAMA Network Open<\/em>, 6(2), e2255639- e2255639.<\/p>\n

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36 Cancian, M., Yang, M., & Slack, K. (2013). The effect of additional child support income on the risk of child maltreatment. Social Service Review, 87<\/em>(3), 417-437.<\/p>\n

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37 Cancian, Cook, Seki, & Wimer. (2017). Making parents pay: The unintended consequences of charging parents for foster care. Children and Youth Services Review, 72<\/em>, 100-110.<\/p>\n

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38\u00a0 Ginther, D.K., & Johnson-Motoyama, M. (2022). Associations between State TANF policies, Child Protective Services involvement, and foster care placement. Health Affairs, 41<\/em>(12).<\/p>\n

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39 Bullinger, L.R.; Packham, A.; Raissian, K.M. Effects of Universal and Unconditional Cash Transfers on Child Abuse and Neglect<\/em>; National Bureau of Economic Research: Cambridge, CA, USA, 2023<\/p>\n

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40 Berrick, J., Frame, L., Langs, J., & Varchol, L. (2006). Working together for children and families. Journal of Policy Practice, 5<\/em>(2-3), 27-42.<\/p>\n

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41 Harden, B., Buhler, A., Parra, L., Herrenkohl, T., Leeb, R., & Higgins, D. (2016). Maltreatment in infancy: A developmental perspective on prevention and intervention. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse,<\/em>\u00a017<\/em>(4), 366-386.<\/p>\n

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42 Harden, B. (2016).<\/p>\n

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43 Klein, Mihalec-Adkins, Benson, & Lee. (2018). The benefits of early care and education for child welfare-involved children: Perspectives from the field. Child Abuse & Neglect, 79<\/em>, 454-464.<\/p>\n

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44 Green, B. L., Ayoub, C., Bartlett, J. D., Ende, A. V., Furrer, C., Chazan-Cohen, R., Vallotton, C., & Klevens, J. (2014). The effect of Early Head Start on child welfare system involvement: A first look at longitudinal child maltreatment outcomes. Children and Youth Services Review, 42<\/em>, 127-135.<\/p>\n

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45 Klein, Fries, & Emmons. (2017). Early care and education arrangements and young children\u2019s risk of foster placement: Findings from a national child welfare sample. Children and Youth Services Review, 83<\/em>(C), 168-178.<\/p>\n

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46 Klein (2017).<\/p>\n

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47 Klika, J.B., Maguire-Jack, K., Feely, M., Schneider, W., Pace, G.T. Rostad, W., Murphy, C,A. & Merrick, M.T. (2022). Childcare subsidy enrollment income generosity and child maltreatment. Children<\/em>, 10(1)m 64.<\/p>\n

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48 Lipscomb, S., Lewis, K., Masyn, K., and Meloy, M. (2012). Child care assistance for families involved in the child welfare system: Predicting child care subsidy use and stability. Children and Youth Services Review, 34<\/em>(12), 2454-2463.<\/p>\n

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49 Yang, M.Y., Maguire-Jack, K., Showalter, K., Kim, Y.K., & Slack, K.S. (2019). Child care subsidy and child maltreatment. Child and Family Social Work, 24<\/em>(4), 547-554.<\/p>\n

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50 Sege, R., Preer, G., Morton, S.J., Cabral, H., Oluwatomisin, M., Lee, V., Abreu, C., De Vos, E., & Kaplan-Sanoff, M. (2015). Medical-Legal strategies to improve infant health care: A randomized trial. Pediatrics, 136<\/em>(1), 97-106.<\/p>\n

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51 McGinty, E.E., Nair, R., Assini-Meytin, L.C., Stuart, E.A., & Letourneau, E.J. (2022). Impact of Medicaid expansion on reported incidents of child neglect and physical abuse. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 62<\/em>(1), 11-20.<\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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